CHAPTER 1
The Divisiveness for Identity
Liberia holds an historical heritage that sustains racial profiling in the eyes of many people, not Liberians. Why? Because its historical heritage is relating to or based upon the existence of a gun put at the head of an African native chief for land in 1821, which was later called Liberia in 1847 by the American black free slaves. What was the name of this land before 1847? There was none as far as I know because it wasn't colonized.
The use of gun as a force with reason in coercing the African chief was an act of deception and narrow-mindedness. This coercion weaves together the American black free slaves and the African natives into a political system that was separate but not equal for governance. The American black free slaves believe that Liberia should be an exceptional country in Africa for them.
The American black freed-people came to Africa with the help of the American Colonization Society (ACS) in order to forget the deprivation and dehumanization as slaves in the United States of America. With the prospect of self determination to govern themselves, the American black free slaves were willing action against the ACS after the land was given to them.
Since the land was a gift by the ACS to the American black free slaves, it began a centre of feeling. The American black free slaves took the land and guarded it with paternalism. Liberia is a reality by the American black free slaves at last with the intention based on deprivation and dehumanization of the African natives. They knew it was time to stand up for something they truly believed in and made sure to exclude the African natives and requested their independence from the ACS.
Should the action of the American black free slaves about their inheritance be the guide to racial profiling? Yes, because with the help of their faculties, which are fitted to apprehend what is wrong and what is right, is not a definition but an application of racial profiling.
Since I am exploring the transparency of racial profiling, the preamble of both constitutions of Liberia 1847 and 1985 should qualify my assertion that Liberia is a racist nation on the west coast of Africa. The people of Liberia are talking and writing about their ethnic and racial division with clarity but saying they are not racist.
Why do descendants of both groups believe that the love of liberty is the historical heritage of racial profiling? Because such belief of each group sanctifies the illusion about their masquerade of inalienable rights.
It is important to understand the uniqueness of not wanting to be someone else is essential to being who you are. This condition for separate and not equal has an impact on both groups to be hostile and suspicious in the political system. Such forbiddance is an exclusionary rule for a hidden agenda in governance.
This habit to belief in a historical heritage has been a force not to resolve the racial and ethnic conflict that began in 1821. There has been no harmony to govern so war tends to occur between the two groups when power relationships are either unclear or mistaken.
Should the clarification of the accusation of racial profiling between the two groups bring a different result? I don't know if it will. If this accusation is not unique for Liberians then there is no other way to prescribe the attitudes and values of the people.
Where is the historical heritage for racial profiling in Liberia? It is in the attitudes and values of Liberians as an inalienable right. This political culture is no excuse for being marked by an absence of the mind which is held in limits. Its like saying, lets keep this secret to ourselves, as our concern.
My first concern about racial profiling in Liberia is the preamble of both constitutions of Liberia. Preamble of constitution is a statement that usually states the reason for and intent of the law. It is also the facts or circumstances indicating what is to follow.
However, the people of Liberia uphold the preamble of both constitutions in this faction: 1847 for descendants of free slaves and 1985 for descendants of natives.
There is something reliable to proceed with certainty about the historical heritage for racial profiling of each group refusing to debate about their perspective within the preamble of both constitutions. Can a debate led by the groups' offspring for belief in a referendum bring change? I hope so, if the offspring of both groups can avoid paternalism as an identity. Remaining silent about racial profiling is a threat to the dignity of the offspring of both groups.
My second concern about racial profiling in Liberia is the prescription of both groups demanding obligation from Liberians to belong. The task is an obligation for any Liberian to expose the intention of both groups.
Within this obligation there is the assumption as a choice of destiny to clarify the perception of the historical heritage for racial profiling. Should this obligation be wholly a fixation for any Liberian wanting a change in this dysfunctional society? Yes, if any Liberian wants to challenge the belief of racial profiling as an illusion about inheritance.
My perspective that racism as a determinant of human traits and capacities is an astonishing proposal to allow readers into Liberia, my first home. The preamble of both constitutions have created an illusion for a distinct morale of each group as a myth of inherent superiority. It has provided the source of motion, as what something is for, and as the substance of all the people. It is endowed with the authority to subsidy whether the people can grow, be nourished and control the desires of the people for ethnic and racial conflicts.
This justification is the preamble of both constitutions, which is only the indoctrination of all the people regardless of their resistence of being separate but not equal in a political system.
Therefore, the preamble of both constitutions is sanctifying a capability with contrary directions. It is still a problem for me that the preamble of both constitutions is very desirable as the standard historiography of Liberia. So say one, say all, it is the way to be a Liberian.
Constitution, 1847 :
"We the people of the Republic of Liberia were originally the inhabitants of the United States of North America. In some parts of the country, we were debarred by law from all the rights and privileges of men-in other parts, public sentiments, more powerful than law, frowned us down.
Article 1, Section 4- There shall be no slavery within this Republic. Nor shall any citizen of this Republic, or any person resident therein, deal in slaves, either within or without this Republic, direct or indirectly.
Article 4, Section 13- the great object of forming these Colonies, being to provide a home for the dispersed and oppressed children of Africa, and to regenerate and enlighten this benighted continent, none but Negroes or people of Negro descent shall be eligible to citizenship in this Republic."
1985
"We the People of the Republic of Liberia:
Realizing from many experiences during the course of our national existence which culminated in the Revolution of April 12,1980, when our Constitution of July 26,1847 was suspended, that all of our people, irrespective of history, tradition, creed, or ethnic background are of one common body politic.
Article 12- No person shall be held in slavery or forced labor within the Republic, nor shall any citizen of Liberia nor any person resident therein deal in slaves or subject any other person to force labor, debt bondage or peonage, but labor reasonably required in consequence of a court sentence or order conforming to acceptable labor standards, service in the military, work or which forms part of normal civil obligation or service exacted in cases of emergency or calamity threatening the life or well-being of the community shall not be deemed force labor.
Article 27(a)-All persons who, on the coming into force of this Constitution were lawfully citizen of Liberia shall continue to be Liberians citizens. (b)-In order to preserve, foster and maintain the positive Liberian culture values and character, only person who are Negroes or of Negro descent shall be qualify by birth or by naturalization to be citizen of Liberia."
Is there a standard customs, practices, and laws instilled in Liberians for racial profiling? Yes, and it would be bias to say that Liberia is not a racist nation. But my assertion is that Liberia is a racist nation with the preamble of both constitutions for racial profiling in governance and social conditions. A change is necessary to change the current standard.
The purpose for this should not be complex but it is complex in the eyes of the people as descendants of American black free slaves and descendants of African natives who want to strive for a unified country.
Can any change be agreeable for a new condition? The new condition would minimize the continuity of narrow-mindedness by both groups in the mix of racial profiling. However, it is conceivable that both groups have gained their hold on this belief of racial profiling and do not want to vacate the illusion of a historical heritage. The persistence of this illusion had not changed over time since the many wars.
If and only if to say, "we the people have changed evidently," means that each group has acquired certain freedom to inflict harm.
This action of inalienable rights is not an alienation for any group. One may argue that the fear of war again and again as the largest hindrance will not remain silent forever. This fear is loosely identical and tightly identical with both groups.
The important dilemma is merely the direct connection to whose identity will prevail or overcome the illusion of a historical heritage. So the reassurance is to amend both constitutions. This request is clearly the task for Liberians who hope to obtain their prosperity, a society less vicious than the last two centuries.
Is the inheritance for racial profiling in the constitution of 1847 and 1985? Yes. It is those practices built into the ongoing process of the attitudes and values through the intent of the people to exclude. Every Liberian may not be aware of this curse of racial profiling to review it. The reaction of knowing this curse by Liberians is to take action as a choice to debate with ideas, not with guns. The commitment of any Liberian who wants to debate about racial profiling will alleviate themselves from the past and the present reluctance to mention it as a problem. It is refreshing to accept that burden to eliminate this curse as the prerequisite for a responsible condition on an ethical and moral ground. This suggestion may create a resistance from some Liberians because they do not recognize racial profiling as a hollow in the prescription of both groups about the concern to change their habit.
If the foundation of Liberia is the love of liberty then any offspring who is a product of interrelationships or intermarriages between descendants of American black free slaves and the descendants of African natives must prohibit that inheritance called racial profiling. This is the underlining, unquestioning right that reason cannot absolve. All hail Liberia, hail. All hail.
The desire for certitude surfaced in the land that racial profiling is an inheritance from the undetermined events of 1821 as a curse to identify the two groups as Liberians. So the quest for a bulwark of rage is a factor.
CHAPTER 2
The Accusation by Liberians Writers
There is a refutable standing among Liberian writers, which is that the political structure of the past and present should not be based on racial profiling. But they have written historical inquiries which are intone to racial profiling. I explored the writers denial of racial profiling by selecting some of their writings that reiterate my understanding.
Since political system is the process for the convenience of people in a given country to establish a government for the allocation of resources, like opportunities should be the intent and reason for governance.
Can there be a debate about the historical heritage in relationship to racial profiling within Liberia? Yes, but Liberians will not want to debate it.
When I read the preamble of both constitutions, it makes me wonder whether there are still two types of Liberians. We the people are descendants of American black free slaves and descendants of African natives.
For example, obtaining a passport from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as a Liberian, in 2013 in Monrovia you were asked which tribe your mother is. This question is not on the official form but is implicitly asked by any officer of the passport division. This act of interjection is distinct and acceptable as a condition to accelerate your chance to obtain a passport.
You have to obligate yourself to the norm of the people as another aspect of the historical heritage to get along in the secret of racial profiling. If I had my way, I wouldn't mention my mother's group.
Since I am a Liberian with the illusion of a historical heritage, I take idleness as the approach not to resolve racial profiling.
Instead, I do what is required of all Liberians, and respond that `my mother is Kru, a descendant of African natives from Sasstown.'
Can this love of inheritance be an example of racial profiling? Yes, because the attitudes and values of the people will not change. This action is subservience in the historical heritage of racial profiling. The love of inheritance is something which should be understandable as a birth right not a fragmentation and a political structure between the descendants of both groups for obnoxiousness.
This love of inheritance is nothing reliable to proceed with certainty. Such ambiguity for the love of inheritance is also the belief in a habit by Liberians as the only people with an illusion to be racist.
To comprehend this love of inheritance is to be in that moment as a racist Liberian. But Liberians overlook the fact that illusion has essentially two forms: that of hope and that of recollection. Illusion makes Liberian people behave as racist within the concomitance of Liberians.
The historical heritage advocates that reality can be neatly packaged as an interlocking system. This is an illusion of holding the desire and intention together as fulfillment in the eyes of the people.
Should the American black free slaves have privilege over the African natives after the ACS agents gave them the land? No.
I want to make sure that the undetermined events of 1821 should be realized as a matter of chance taken by the ACS agents. Undetermined events are specific conditions not under the control of anything but the opportunity to take action at once. Should the African chief be responsible for giving land to the ACS? Yes, it was the moment for harmony. Could there have been another way without the use of a gun? No.
To be jealous of something that's not for you can bring an emotion of want. If you take an action to acquire that want without the consent of the owner, it can lead to hatred.
This is why there are many sorrows among Liberians, which Bai T. Moore mentioned in his book (Murder In The Cassava Patch, 1968), "Tene, I don't know if the old people ever told you. Kai's father was a shiftless fellow and liked to roam about. His in laws, that is Kai's maternal grandfather and mother, got into some big trouble once.
Rather than suffer humiliation, they sold the poor fellow across the Lofa River and he has not been heard from since. This is a deep secret. Keep it under the roof of your tongue. Kema, there is a lot to learn in this world, isn't there?
"After all I had heard, I did not wish to face the girls. To get drunk was the obvious thing which came to my mind. Tene reached a tall palm tree and put down the rattan basket she had balanced on her head. Sitting in a thicket near the palm tree, my forehead crashed on a stupid twig. Tene heard the frightening sound and looked around. Her eyes caught mine. Softly she said, 'Kai, that's you? Kai.' She screamed."
Before 1821, the African natives were aware of the Europeans intention. Now came the white Americans with a request for land. This was a surprise to the African natives who could not understand the intention of the white Americans about land for the American black free slaves.
