THE DESERT RULERS

Tranquil Days

In the days when the awe and majesty of the Sasanian Empire instilled fear in the Byzantine emperors and generals — behind the gates of Constantinople — Arabs, like other people of AnIran, brought their appeals to the doorsteps of Iran's padeshahs (kings). They came needy and helpless to the Sasanian court to seek relief. Before those days too, they had come only submissively to the court of the Persian Kings. Dariush the Great (Darius I) Achaemenid of Persia (r. 522–486 BCE) ruled the Arabian Deserts long before Alexander III of Macedon's (Alexander the Great) time (r. 336–323 BCE), and since his time Arab elders and heads of their tribes been established servants of the Persian Crown. And when prior to the birth of Shapur II (r. 309-379 CE), some of them ventured to plunder Bahrain and the Persian Gulf shores, history witnessed the lesson that Shapur II taught them, which put them in their place.

Hira chiefs were mere instruments of Yazdgerd I's (r. 399–420 CE) court and servants of Persia. And in Khosro Anshiravan's (Khosrow I) days (r. 531–579), the desert Arabs of Yemen, like the Arabs of Hira, were Sasanian taxpaying satellites. The arid deserts of Najd and Tahamah did not have enough appeal and repute to tempt Iran's government and troops. In these parched and forebodingly surreal deserts there was no crop or cultivation, no profession, no bazaar or merchandise, and except for a bunch of hungry, barefooted Arabs, who fought over a little water and a patch of grass — like ogres, anywhere they found some — there were no signs of humans.

Excluding these deserts, which were not worth taking and retaining, that of the Arab land which was of value, if not a Roman satellite, was under Persian rule. The Arabs that resided in these areas considered the Sasanian Court in Tisfun (Ctesiphon) their "center of universe" and "qibla of hopes." Arab poets like A'asha came to Khosro's doorsteps and reaped wealth and dignity by adulating the Shahanshah (King of Kings). In those days, it would not have crossed anyone's mind that one day the Sasanian crown would wear through and the empire would vanish in the weary hands of Arab lightweights; and those who were proud of being obedient servants to Persians would upturn the kingdom and the king like worthless toys — for whimsical gratification.

But exactly at the time when moral and spiritual failings were gnawing at the outward and material power of the Sasanian Empire, a huge and proud moral force — Islam — surged up from inside the Arab sand and grew, until it finally desecrated the splendor and the power of those who fought Rome hand-to-hand and scorched them with their might.

Desert Dwellers

The barren Arabian Peninsula with its ubiquitously sweltering climate — excluding its mountainous regions — was no doubt unsuitable for man to thrive in. Hence, over the ages, no culture and civilization flourished in this vast desert, and except in the small areas that sustained some water and vegetation, or stretches on commercial belts, no civil life took shape.

Aside from the mountainous regions in the south that stretched from Yemen to Oman, there were small towns, on the edges of the Syrian deserts and the outer edges of Mesopotamia, which Arabs inhabited since ancient times. Cities like Mecca, Yathrib, al-Tayef, and Dumat al-Jundal existed on trade routes and had commercial significance.

The remainder of this vast land — Central Arabia — boasted of nothing but sizzling sand and immense deserts. And if there happened to be a small spring bubbling from the ground with a little green around it, the desert Arabs alighted there with their tents and camels. These vagabond nomads made their living by looting and trespassing across the desert — where there was no law but for the law of jungle and sword. Having inhabited such territory since ancient times, the Arabs had been driven to be, aggressive and materialistic savages.

These Bedouin tribes led predatory lives and on their minds there was nothing but greed, profit worship, and what satisfied their most primitive desires — never wandering beyond the material and the tangible. The moral principle that they boasted of was manliness, while even that meant nothing but vanity and revenge seeking. The bravery and freedom loving that has been attributed to the Arabs manifested itself in looting and seeking vengeance; their life's sole interests were lust, wine, and fighting.

They did not move past these to take notice of meanings and values. They could not accept the customs and manners of a civilian life and brought ruin and sedition to their neighboring towns, as they despoiled and plundered. Out of savagery and ferocity, according to ibn Khaldun, many a time they tore out stones from the foundation of a building to place under their cooking pots, or pulled out ceiling beams to prop up a tent.

In an era when great civilizations enjoyed full glory and grandeur, culture and refinement eluded these desert rulers entirely, and if they had any occupation besides murder and robbery, it was guarding trade routes and escorting commercial caravans. Thus although old empires such as those of Egypt, Babylon, Persia, and Rome did not covet these wastelands, they took the desert rulers into their service for the sake of ensuring the safety of their own trade convoys. For instance Kambujyeh (Cambyses), in his Egyptian expedition, charged the Arabs with supplying water for his troops in the desert, and in some of the Greco-Persian wars, Arabs served among Iranian troops.

Thus in ancient times Arabs had no status or worth, no cities or civilization, and their living environment did not warrant discipline or refinement. If there were towns or oases on the outskirts of these deserts, they were owed to Roman or Persian civilizations and cultures, such as behind the creation of Umm Qais and Hira there were the unremitting wars and rivalry between Persia and Rome. Umm Qais, situated on the edge of the Syrian deserts, was built by Rome to counter Persia, while Persia created Hira on the edge of the Iraqi deserts as a buffer zone with Rome — or to help Persia in her wars against Rome.

But the Persian influence on the Arabs was not limited to Hira. The leaders and refractory elements of all Arab tribes came to the Sasanian Padeshahs with their requests and pleas, and Yemen became a satellite of Persia since the Khosro-Anushiravan's era. A look at the history of Hira and Yemen shows that the Persians did not take the Arabs seriously enough to give them much consideration.

Hira

Indications are that in the third century CE, some Arab tribes exploited the power vacuum in the waning days of the Ashkanian (Parthian) era in Iran, descended on the lands neighboring the Euphrates, and seized parts of Iraq. Of these Arabs, some maintained their Bedouin lifestyle, while others began farming, and gradually built villages and forts and established towns.

The leading town among them was Hira, situated on the edge of the desert near today's Kufa. True to its name, this town was a fort and an encampment where Arabs lived, and which gradually grew into a city. Yet, dubious legends attribute the foundation of this town to Bakhtnasr. In reality, the open desert atmosphere and water from the Euphrates's tributaries made this land habitable. Its plentiful cultivation, palm trees, and abundant water may have helped sustain a stable population, and invite the desert rulers to a civil life. Arabs who lived in this area — merely by virtue of being neighbors to Iran — furthered their civilization and culture, enough to erect on the outskirts of Hira such castles as Khornaq, White Palace, and ibn Bakhilah Palace, which gave the town a special brightness and air. In this area, some Arabs were Christian and some Zartoshti. Among them there were those who were familiar with script and writing, and perhaps their writing skill had permeated to other areas in Arabia from here.

The history of Hira emirs is not very well known, but this much is established that they were Banu Lakhm (Lakhmid) Arabs who took order from their neighboring Sasanian. The Sasanian Kings appointed them to emirate and supported and helped them significantly; for they counted on the Banu Lakhm to contain the Bedouin Arabs who lived near Iran's frontiers, and to foil their predatory incursions into Iran's borders. Names of these emirs were registered in ancient Iranian records, and Hamza Esfahani has related their names and dates along with the names of their contemporary Sasanian kings. Although this list is not complete and error free, it is significant. The similarities between the names of this dynasty's rulers and their peculiarity are factors that throw historians off and make the count and sequence of the emirs often incorrect and vague. Whatever the case may be, the more important rulers of this region, contemporaries of the Sasanian, were mostly from the Lakhm lineage, and all of them obeyed the Persian Kings.

A review of Hira history and the Lakhm Emirs is outside the patience of this book, especially that history books do not offer much, which is accurate, however a brief mention of the reign of this dynasty here, helps shed light on the state of civilization of the Arabs of this region.

Banu Lakhm

What we learn from historical narratives and Arab tales is that the first Banu Lakhm emir of Hira was called Amr b. Adi (r. 268–295 CE). His circumstances and adventures are not known with any accuracy, for they are mixed with the Arabian tales of Jazimah al-Abrash. It is said that prior to the Lakhmid, Jazimah ruled Hira; about whose reputation, splendor, and presence, tales have been told, though none can be verified. One of these tales is about a youth from Banu Lakhm, by the name of Adi, who served as saghi (cupbearer) at Jazimah's feasts. Adi and Raghash, Jazimah's sister, had a love affair, but Adi did not have the courage to ask for the hand of the emir's sister. Raghash taught Adi a ruse, whereby, he served Jazimah enough wine until he was drunk, and then asked him for Raghash's hand in marriage. In his drunken state, Jazimah accepted Adi's request, but he regretted the decision when he awoke. It was then too late; Ragash had conceived Adi's son. They called him Amr, and when Jazimah was killed by Zabba's trick, Amr b. Adi, who was Jazimah's nephew, rose up to avenge his death. He killed Zabba and made Hira the seat of his emirate. Thus the rule of Hira was transferred to the Lakhm dynasty. It is said that Amr b. Adi was a contemporary of Shapur I and a few other Sasanian Padeshahs who reigned for short periods after the death of Shapur I.

Amr was succeeded by his son, Imru al-Qais. The length of his reign, in some historical accounts, is inflated to more than one hundred years. Contextual clues, however, suggest that he ruled Hira for some thirty years (c. 295–328). Nabataean and old Arabic writings on his tombstone speak of the connection between him and the Persian court. Historical accounts indicate that as a vassal of the Persian Kings and a contemporary of Bahram III (r. 293–293), Nersi (r. 293–302), Nersi's son Hormozd (r. 302– 309), and Shapur II, Imru al-Qais ruled the Arabs of Iraq, al-Jazira and Hejaz.

After him a few others ruled Hira, although nothing but their names have survived, until it was al- Nu'man b. Imru al-Qays's turn. He was called al-A'war (The One-Eyed) and in narratives he is portrayed as exacting and skilled, but levelheaded and hot-tempered. Apparently, al-A'war was trusted and favored by Yazdgerd I. He has been credited with the construction of the Khornaq Garden on the outskirts of Hira. Storylines have it that when the garden was finished al-A'war killed its builder, Sinnimar.

About al-A'war's end it is said that when he came to grasp the instability and the evanescence of wealth and worldly possessions, he renounced his throne, wore a dervish cloak, and heading for wilderness left his kingdom. Historians consider this story a myth. Circumstantial evidence point to the fabrication of this story in order to account for al-Nu'man's relation with Nestorian priests and travelers — he treated Christians favorably, perhaps following the policies of Yazdgerd, towards Christians.

Al-A'war was succeeded by al-Mundhir b. Nu'man (r. 418–462). This is the Hira Emir to whom — according to stories — Yazdgerd trusted the upbringing of his son Bahram. It is even claimed that, had it not been for the efforts and the bravery of Mundhir, Persian elites would not have allowed Bahram to rise to the throne after Yazdgerd. This alone speaks of Mundhir's power and influence, who also performed valuable services to Bahram in the ensuing war against Rome.

After a few other Lakhm rulers, Nu'man b. al-Mundhir b. Ma alSama (r. 490-497), the most famous and industrious of all Hira emirs, came to rule. He lived during the reign of Ghobad (Kavadh I) (r. 488–531) and Khosro I (r. 531–579), and much happened during his time: the Zangis invaded Yemen, Mazdak emerged, and widespread disturbances and disorders ensued. Moreover, Ghobad embraced Mazdaki faith, but Mundhir — in line with those of Iranian leaders and generals who opposed Ghobad — did not.

At this time the rulers of Kandah, old rivals of Bani-Lakhm, counting on Ghobad I's dissatisfaction with Mundhir (because of the Mazdak affair) approached Ghobad, whereupon Ghobad appointed Harith Kandi the emir of Hira, and Harith expelled Mundhir. Khosro I (Anushiravan), who succeeded Ghobad, decided to quell the disorders created by Mazdak, and reinstated Mundhir as Hira's vassal. That, however, did not restore Mundhir's status and reputation. Following the death of Mundhir III, his son Amr III b. Mundhir (r. 502–554) succeeded him and was called Amr b. Hind after his mother. It is said that he was a hot-tempered and egotistic man who became a victim of his own vanity and was killed by Amr b. Kulthum. The meeting of Amr b. Mundhir and Amr b. Kulthum (d. 584) has been told in a much embellished fairytale story. After Mundhir, his brothers Mundhir and Qabus each ruled briefly.

Next al- Nu'm Ghobad n b. Mundhir ruled from 569 to 573. His nickname was Abu Qabus. It is said that he was a vassal of Hormozd IV and Khosro II (Khosro-Parviz). When his father died, Khosro procrastinated in appointing Qabus the emir. Qabus was eventually granted the emirate, with the help of his friend, Adi b. Zayd, a scribe in the shah's palace, to whom the shah was partial. In his era, Persia's luxury and magnificence made its way into the Hira court. Nu'man delved into splendor and extravagance and — in imitation of the Sasanian darbar (the king's court) — he opened his court to admirers in the style of the Khosros (Khosro I and II). However gradually, influenced by malevolent schemers and sycophants in his court, Qabus became unduly suspicious of Adi b. Zayd, the writer and poet, and killed him — the person who had helped him attain his position. Sometime later Adi's son Zayd plotted against him and avenged his father's death.

The story as related in historical accounts is as follows. Zayd sought Nu'man's friendship and asked to be sent to the Persian King so that he could be given his father's position as a scribe and Arabic translator. Nu'man accepted his request and did as was asked. At Khosro's court, Zayd awaited an opportunity. The opening came when Khosro-Parviz took a fancy to finding a wife for one of his relatives. Zayd recommended Nu'man's sister or niece — aware that Nu'man would not concede to sending her to Khosro's palace. As expected, when the Shah heard Nu'man's dissonant response, he became furious, but held his anger for a time before he summoned Nu'man to his darbar. Upon Nu'man's arrival at Tisfun — with Khosro's order — he was shackled and thrown under the foot of an elephant, or by another account was left in jail until he died. Hira's emirate did not last long after that. Khosro II and his successors no longer named an aspirant from the Lakhm dynasty to rule Hira. Instead they sent their own agents there. That lasted until Khalid b. Walid and his Muslim troops invaded Hira and made peace with people in exchange for paying jizya (Islamic tax).

From then on, Hira lost its importance, and although there is mention of it in the context of a few incidents, it never regained its former status; it fell into disrepair as Kufa expanded and overshadowed it. And so the Hira kingdom that was a Persian satellite and a buffer zone between Persia and Arabia was destroyed, and Tisfun was left exposed to the desert.

Outside Hira and Kandah, any other Arabian city worth living in, fell within the Persian sphere of influence. Of these we should mention Yemen.