Vietnam protest (10 risultati)

Broadsheet, 28cm x 22cm (11" x 8-1/2"). Printed offset on both sides of sheet; recto primarily graphic with text on verso. Mild edgewear and creasing; tack holes and tiny loss at bottom right corner (not affecting image or text); Very Good or better. Flyer protesting the draconian sentences meted out in early 1969 to the so-called "Presidio Mutineers" - 27 military prisoners at the Presidio stockade who had staged a peaceful "sit-in" to protest overcrowding and the murder, by prison guards, of one of their fellow inmates. Recto reproduces two photographs of the protest; verso lays out the details of the case and calls on readers to organize protests and letter-writing campaigns in their communities.…

Poster. Condizione: Very Good. 19.75" x 15.5". Poster. Color lithograph. Army green font and a multi-colored illustration with a caption spanning the poster's border. The illustration done by Mark Morris: a bouquet of wildflowers sprouting from an overturned soldier's helmet, each flower's center with an image of an expressive person's face (a grandmother, a child, three soldiers, and a Vietnamese woman included in these images). The flowers petals printed in pink, red, and yellow. The border caption printed in red. It reads: Condemn a draft board or recruiting center as a public health hazard, leafleting - street corners & shopping centers, set up high school assemblies on the draft, mail big things to your draft board to be included in your draft file, circulate "we won't go" statements in high schools, picket draft board members' homes and businesses, talk-ins at draft boards & recruiting centers, bar military recruiters from high schools & colleges, demand draft counselors in high schools, draft card turn-ins, demonstrate at induction centers/recruitment centers - March 19th. With a black caption blocked in yellow: Who pays for war? You do. / Who profits from war? They do. / A teach-in where you work, April 14th / Tell off your tax collector, April 15th / Confront the corporations, April 20th-30th. An address for the New Mobilization Committee is printed under the red border: 1029 Vermont Avenue Northeast, Washington, D.C. 20005. A truly striking image from the anti-war protest movement, the people's countenances springing from a soldier's helmet perfectly demonstrates the human cost of war. North Carolina State University, "New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (New Mobe), March on Washington Map". The committee that commissioned this poster's printing was known colloquially as the New Mobe, founded in 1969. The New Mobe was one of many student groups that advocated for resisting the draft during the Vietnam War. Groups like the New Mobe shed light on the often-predatory practices of the draft and on the damage the war inflicted on American and on Vietnamese lives. This poster provides a wealth of information on the kinds of actions the New Mobe and other groups performed in order to voice their opposition to the draft and to the war. Light wear to the poster's surface, four pieces of masking tape on the poster's verso (these were likely applied to the verso shortly after the poster was printed).…

Broadside. Single sheet of pale salmon stock, 8-1/2" x 6-1/4"; printed recto-only. Fine. Announces establishment, by the UCSD Art Department in conjunction with chancellor William McGill, of the "George Winne Memorial Shrine.taking George's charred remains as its core, the Shrine will seek to involve and encompass the entire campus.Passive Resistance can only have effect under conditions of complete self-sacrifice. In completing his life, George followed the dictates of law and order: his refusal to disobey the rule of Chancellor McGill and Governor Reagan allowed George to take full responsibility for his actions by turning himself in, in the name of God." Winne (1947-1970) was a UCSD undergraduate who famously committed suicide by self-immolation on a public plaza at the University of California, San Diego, to protest U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War. This memorial broadside not located under title or subject in OCLC.…

This calligraphic and decorated scroll measures 19 x 124 inches and is composed of five sheets of laid paper attached. Calligraphic text with decoration on the margins. A very powerful, yet attractive document.Written much in the style of the Declaration of Independence, this scroll, written by a known author and illustrated by an renown artist, move in an entirely different direction all the while upholding the principles of the US primary document. The time was 1971 and the anger at American involvement in the war in Vietnam was reaching a fever pitch. Marches and demonstrations (not a few of which I was dragged to as a youth) were happening across the country, violence was done to university students. and thousands of deaths were reported weekly on television. It was a great time of togetherness and everyone pitched in. The makers;Robert Andrew Parker; Robert Andrew Parker graduated from the Art Institute of Chicago in 1952 after serving in the Army in the 1940s. He moved to New York after he spent a summer at the Skowhegan School of Painting and Sculpture studying under Jack Levine. Parker continued to develop his printmaking skills at Atelier 17, an historically important printmaking studio founded by the renowned English painter and printmaker, Stanley William Hayter. Robert Andrew Parker was also chosen in 1952 as the youngest artist to show at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in the ? Exhibition of American Watercolors, Drawings and Prints ? the exhibition featured Stuart Davis, John Marin, Robert Andrew Parker and Jackson Pollock. John F. Mahoney seems have slipped the bonds of history but he had a excellent writing style. A source document.…

[Anti-Vietnam War] Juan Farinas Defense Committee. Press release covering Cuban exile, Juan Farinas', arrest and associated anti-Vietnam War demonstrations. New York: the Committee, 1971. Size 8.5" x 11" inches. 8 pages. In December of 1968, twenty-three year old Columbia University worker, Juan Farinas, was tried and convicted on three counts of violating the Selective Service Act. According to the official press release, [Farinas'] only crime was to distribute a leaflet in opposition to the Vietnam War at the Whitehall Induction Center in the summer of 1968". In addition, he was prosecuted for refusing to report for and submit to the draft. In support of Farinas' diligent anti-war efforts, many labor unions, including Local 1199, helped to raise money for his trial defense and appeal process, conducting letter-writing campaigns and more. In a profound statement to the court, Farinas indicted the government and the U.S. prosecutor: 'You and your government may brand me as a criminal, but let me tell you this right now.YOU ARE THE CRIMINALS!". The U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear the case, and Juan Farinas served his jail sentence. Very clean and bright pages, in very good condition.…

Griffith, Maxwell, and Charles Goodsell. The Americans Are Coming: End the War in Vietnam ([1970]), an illustrated antiwar broadside urging Americans to oppose United States military intervention in Vietnam through direct correspondence with political representatives in Washington, D.C. Published during the expansion of antiwar demonstrations and grassroots protest against the Nixon administration's Vietnam policies, the broadside combines an image of Vietnamese civilian life with a handwritten appeal by Griffith encouraging individual political action. Its message employs a play on the military draft to advocate letter-writing as an alternative form of participation in the war: "The only draft system we use is one of rough draft. So pick up your pen. Send it to Washington D.C." The Americans Are Coming: End the War in Vietnam. Griffith, Maxwell, and Charles Goodsell. Vineyard Haven, MA: P.T.P., [1970]. Illustrated broadside, measuring 8.5 x 11 inches, printed on one side, with ink annotations. A black-ink woodcut depicts a Vietnamese woman on horseback reaching toward a child inside a hut. The domestic scene places Vietnamese civilians at the center of an American antiwar appeal, contrasting ordinary family life with the military intervention condemned in the title. Griffith's handwritten message calls upon recipients to direct their objections to Washington, identifying personal correspondence as a practical means of political protest. The broadside appeared during a period of intensified opposition to the Vietnam War, following the nationwide Moratorium demonstrations of October and November 1969 and amid renewed protests over the American expansion of military operations into Cambodia in 1970. Unlike protest materials announcing rallies or demonstrations, Griffith and Goodsell's broadside directs its audience toward individual written appeals to federal officials. Its combination of woodcut imagery, handwritten political commentary, and an explicit instruction to contact Washington records a form of antiwar organizing intended to encourage participation beyond public demonstrations. Ink annotations present; no further condition defects specified.…

Archive of Two Anti-Vietnam War Pamphlets Critiquing Nixon-Era Policy, 1969-1972. Birmingham, AL and Cambridge, MA / Los Angeles, CA: Birmingham Moratorium Committee and Indochina Peace Campaign. Two pamphlets totaling 8 pages. A stark and emotionally charged pair of pamphlets confronting the human and economic cost of the Vietnam War, particularly under the administration of Richard Nixon and his South Vietnamese ally, Nguy?n V?n Thi?u. Both documents highlight the structural violence wrought by U.S. imperialism through quotes, infographics, and personal testimonies. One pamphlet, issued by the Birmingham Moratorium Committee, presents a Marxist-inflected indictment of American capitalism's complicity in the war; the other, by the Indochina Peace Campaign, anchors its critique in the grief of a widow, counterposing Nixon's broken promises with devastating images of Vietnamese civilians and political prisoners. [1] Birmingham Moratorium Committee. "Viet Nam - LOVE IT or LEAVE IT!" Birmingham, AL: [1969]. A four-page pamphlet structured around working-class economic critique. On the front page, black-and-white line art depicts a U.S. military cargo loader moving a casket-shaped crate labeled with stars, beneath the caption, "U.S. troops continue to be withdrawn from South Vietnam." It features a collage juxtaposing the Chase Manhattan logo with the silhouette of a prone soldier in Saigon. Alongside damning pull quotes from McNamara, Gen. Harkins, and Nixon (".this may have been one of America's finest hours."), it lists the GI toll from 1961 to 1966: "killed: 38,969; wounded & maimed: 254,947." The interior spread lays out the economic beneficiaries of the war-"Who Profits?"-stating, "only big business. corporate profits after taxes rose 91%." One cartoon labeled "The Free Enterprise System" depicts a caricatured Nixon shaking down an American taxpayer for the wealth-hoarding "Corporations and Upper Income Earners". The final page calls for a debate and mass rally on November 13-14, involving Alabama's senators and representatives, and denounces the war as a tool to "pay Vietnamese women 31¢ a day to make transistors (as they do now in South Korea)." The overall tone centers class exploitation, with a particularly Southern regional organizing base. [2] Indochina Peace Campaign. "Peace or Four More Years of War?" Cambridge, MA / Los Angeles, CA: [1972]. Four-page pamphlet likely distributed in the lead-up to the 1972 election. The cover image-captioned "NBC-TV Dec. 12, 1972"-depicts a Vietnamese woman and barefoot child walking past a bombed-out village. Beneath it is a widow's testimony: "If they had gone ahead and signed the treaty as promised, my husband would be alive today with me and my children." The interior is a detailed exposé of the Nixon administration's duplicity in peace negotiations, asserting that "After two years of negotiations, all that remained was to settle one percent of a peace settlement." The Indochina Peace Campaign asserts that the U.S. deliberately sabotaged the Nine-Point Agreement by refusing to recognize the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG), despite "warnings by Congressmen and Senators" and international outrage over the Christmas bombings. The pamphlet cites major media: "The U.S. supported regime in Saigon have ruled by suppressing all their opposition" (Pentagon Papers, Gravel Edition, Vol. 1, p. 256), and includes documentation of 40,994 political assassinations under the Phoenix Program. A chilling image of children behind bars in Chanh Hung Prison accompanies these facts. The final call to action reads: "We have this choice: either we allow our government to prolong the rule of General Thieu, or we pressure it to sign the Agreement." An ideologically diverse but thematically united pair of anti-war publications: one focused on working-class Southern economic outrage, the other on moral urgency and state-sponsored atrocity. Together, they demonstrate the breadth of opposition to the Vietnam War and the emotional, political, and class-based appeals that animated grassroots resistance across the U.S. Overall very good condition. Signed.…

[Counterculture] [Vietnam War] This pair of mimeographed documents, issued in 1964 and 1969 respectively, capture the shifting rhetorical and political frameworks of U.S. justification and policy aims in Vietnam, offering rare comparative insight into both the Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon administrations' public positions. [1] Some Questions on Vietnam. Washington: Friends Committee on National Legislation, June 3, 1964. [2] Mr. Nixon's Points. [N.p], October 14, 1969. Two double-sided mimeographed typescripts measuring 8.5" x 11" each. Together, they trace the continuity and contradictions in American official thinking from the earliest stages of direct military intervention to the early attempts at managed withdrawal. The 1969 document is particularly notable for its side-by-side presentation of Nixon's proposed peace terms with those of the National Liberation Front (NLF), the political wing of the Viet Cong. [1] The first document, dated June 3, 1964 and issued by the Friends Committee on National Legislation in Washington, D.C., is titled Some Questions on Vietnam. Framed as a briefing tool for concerned citizens, it outlines the U.S. position in the early escalation phase of the war and provides extensive excerpts from contemporary sources, including President Johnson's June 2 press conference and articles from The Washington Post and New York Times. Johnson is quoted stating that the U.S. is "bound by solemn commitments to help defend this area against Communist encroachment," reaffirming the domino theory logic underpinning American involvement. The handout catalogs U.S. military strategies then being deployed, including the "Strategic Hamlet Program," in which "thousands of peasants were uprooted at gunpoint and moved into defensive village-clusters far removed from ancestral lands." Other methods included the use of lie detectors on suspected Viet Cong, and defoliation tactics that the Washington Post acknowledged raised "questions of the wisdom of using such agents at all in this kind of war. where the consequences are visited upon a civilian population we are trying to defend." The leaflet also raises doubt about South Vietnamese support for the war: "the Saigon government has the allegiance of probably no more than 30 per cent of the people." Statistics from the Pentagon note that by May 25, 1964, 1,130 American servicemen had been killed, wounded, or listed as missing since 1961. Senator Wayne Morse is quoted: "We have already poured into that sink-hole over $5½ billion." The final sections argue that economic aid cannot be separated from military goals and propose alternatives such as United Nations mediation. Notably, the sheet warns that mail to the White House on Vietnam had been averaging fewer than 150 letters per week, urging citizens to "make their views known to the President and your Congressmen." [2] The second document, dated October 14, 1969, presents President Nixon's public negotiating stance during the early phase of his "Vietnamization" strategy. Titled Mr. Nixon's 8 Points, the yellow sheet begins with a justification of U.S. sacrifices: "The United States has suffered over a million casualties in four wars in this century. We are proud of this record and we bring the same attitude in our search for a settlement in Vietnam." Nixon outlines eight specific principles, most notably: "We seek no bases in Vietnam. We insist on no military ties. We are willing to agree to neutrality for South Vietnam if that is what the South Vietnamese people freely choose." He continues, "We have no intention of imposing any form of government upon the people of South Vietnam, nor will we be a party to such coercion." The points include phased withdrawal over twelve months, the establishment of an international supervisory body, elections under international supervision, release of prisoners of war, and mutual agreement to observe the 1954 Geneva Accords. Nixon concludes with a reaffirmation that U.S. presence would end entirely once these measures were fulfilled. The reverse of the Nixon flyer contains The NLF's 10 Points, the Viet Cong's counter-position, which sharply contradicts Nixon's framing. Point 2 is categorical: "The U.S. Government must withdraw from South Vietnam all U.S. troops, military personnel, arms and war materiel. and liquidate all U.S. military bases in South Vietnam." Point 4 emphasizes sovereignty: "The people of South Vietnam shall settle themselves their own affairs without foreign interference." Throughout, the NLF stresses full political participation, neutral diplomatic relations, and reunification of Vietnam as "a peaceful process. without foreign interference." Notably, Point 9 demands that the U.S. government "must bear full responsibility for the losses and devastations it has caused to the Vietnamese people in both zones." Juxtaposing these two documents reveals a significant divergence between U.S. public rhetoric and Vietnamese revolutionary demands. While Nixon framed U.S. intentions as altruistic and limited, the NLF viewed the war as colonial in nature and demanded unconditional withdrawal. This side-by-side format would have been a powerful tool for peace activists and educators in 1969, especially as public trust in government narratives about Vietnam eroded in the wake of the Tet Offensive and ongoing domestic protest. Very good condition overall.…

Vietnam Peace Parade Committee. No Business as Usual!, a 1971 antiwar protest poster issued to encourage participation in the national Vietnam Moratorium on Wednesday, October 13, 1971. The poster called upon Americans to interrupt their ordinary activities in opposition to the Vietnam War, continuing the nationwide Moratorium campaign that began in October 1969 with demonstrations, teach-ins, workplace actions, and student walkouts. Issued during renewed antiwar mobilization following the American invasion of Cambodia in 1970 and the publication of the Pentagon Papers in June 1971, the poster was designed for local adaptation, allowing participating organizations, businesses, or individuals to announce their own plans for the day of protest. We Will Observe Moratorium Day, Wed., October 13th. Vietnam Peace Parade Committee. New York: Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, 1971. Original illustrated protest poster with bold white typography and a circular graphic emblem at the top. Beneath the emblem, centered lettering declares: "we will observe / moratorium day / wed., october 13?? / by," followed by a large blank space intended for recipients to enter their planned protest activity. The poster concludes with the slogans "no business as usual! / end the war now!" The issuing organization's address appears along the bottom: Vietnam Peace Parade Committee, 17 East 17th Street, New York, N.Y. 10003. The unprinted central area allowed the same poster to be adapted for different forms of participation, from business closures and workplace stoppages to campus demonstrations and public meetings. The October 1971 Moratorium formed part of a renewed nationwide antiwar campaign that also included Veterans Day actions and demonstrations demanding immediate American withdrawal from Southeast Asia. The Vietnam Peace Parade Committee's poster promoted decentralized participation rather than attendance at a single demonstration, providing a common date and message while leaving the specific action to local organizers. Its declaration, "no business as usual!", continued the Moratorium movement's strategy of disrupting routine commercial, educational, and civic activities to protest continued American military involvement. The blank announcement space is a distinctive feature of the poster, documenting a practical method by which national antiwar organizers encouraged local participation. Light handling wear; otherwise in very good condition. …

Archive of anti-Vietnam War organizing literature documenting systems of grassroots protest coordination, student mobilization, and peace coalition activism in Ohio between 1969 and 1971. The material documents how antiwar organizations, student groups, clergy, labor activists, and peace coalitions coordinated demonstrations, conferences, transportation logistics, and public outreach campaigns opposing United States military involvement in Vietnam. Produced during the peak years of mass antiwar protest, the archive reveals the operational mechanisms through which decentralized coalitions organized national moratoriums, strategy meetings, marches, and political education efforts linking opposition to the war with broader concerns regarding racial inequality, militarism, labor activism, and civil liberties. The material provides primary-source evidence for the study of antiwar movement infrastructure, protest communication networks, and coalition-building within the late 1960s and early 1970s American peace movement. Archive consists of three pieces of antiwar protest literature produced in Cleveland and Columbus, Ohio, including one broadside, one flyer, and one newspaper-format circular. [1] Vietnam Moratorium Committee / Ohio Peace Action Committee. "What Can You Do?" Columbus: [1969]. Mimeographed flyer promoting participation in the October 15 National Moratorium against the Vietnam War. The text encourages Americans to "devote the day to working for peace" and includes instructions for organizing demonstrations, educational events, and local participation. Directed in part toward students, the flyer urges readers not to be deterred by "dictatorial threats of low grades by a professor." Endorsers include Mayor John Lindsay, Senator Eugene McCarthy, and the United Auto Workers, illustrating the broad coalition supporting the moratorium movement. [2] Cleveland Area Peace Action Council. "Call to a National Anti-War Conference." Cleveland: [1970]. Printed circular announcing a July 4-5 strategy conference at Case Western Reserve University intended to "unify the anti-war movement." The text criticizes the Nixon administration's continuation and escalation of the war while emphasizing the disproportionate burden borne by Black communities and working-class Americans. The document is endorsed by more than twenty organizers including clergy, labor activists, GI counselors, and community organizers. [3] Cleveland Area Peace Action Coalition. "End the War, Stop the Bombing - April 22." Cleveland: [1970]. Illustrated protest flyer featuring a dramatic woodcut-style image of American bombers and advancing infantry. Produced in response to intensified U.S. bombing campaigns in Indochina, the text declares, "There is no moratorium on the daily killing of 300 Indochinese," and includes transportation details for Cleveland participants traveling to demonstrations in New York City. Together, these materials document the logistical and organizational dimensions of the antiwar movement beyond highly publicized national demonstrations, preserving evidence of the local coalition work required to sustain mass protest activity during the Vietnam War era. Particularly notable is the archive's emphasis on interconnected activism, linking opposition to the war with labor organizing, racial justice concerns, student activism, and critiques of state violence. The documents additionally illustrate the broad ideological range of antiwar coalitions during the Nixon years, encompassing students, trade unionists, religious leaders, veterans' advocates, and civil rights organizers. Minor handling wear, folds, and age toning consistent with use in activist distribution; overall very good condition. A concise but historically significant archive of grassroots antiwar organizing and protest infrastructure during the Vietnam War period.…